Ten Strategies to Confront the Balfour Declaration

On 2 November we recall the Balfour Declaration as a founding station in the colonial course that targeted Palestine and its people. Yet fidelity to memory requires that we ask what we are doing today to protect the land, the people and the rights, and that we turn condemnation into a programme of action that sets priorities and responsibilities and measures achievement by what is accomplished on the ground.

The British statement was issued on 2 November 1917, endorsing the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. It stipulated that the civil and religious rights of non-Jewish communities should not be prejudiced, but it did not recognise the Palestinian people’s political and national rights as a people with a land. This distinction between the text of the declaration and the consequences of the application of British policy is necessary to build an accurate historical argument, away from exaggerations that weaken a just narrative.

A century later came the Trump administration’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital on 6 December 2017, then the opening of the US embassy there on 14 May 2018, then the announcement of its political plan on 28 January 2020. These are distinct stations that should not be lumped into a single event. In our political reading, what they share with the Balfour Declaration is the logic of overriding the Palestinian will and attempting to decide the future of the land from outside the rights of its people, with differing contexts and tools between the British Mandate and American bias.

From Gaza, where protecting life, education and shelter becomes a daily necessity, confronting the legacy of the declaration acquires a directly practical meaning. The ability to remain on the land, for society to recover its well-being, and to protect its cohesion should be at the heart of the national project. On this basis the following ten strategies can be developed.

First: supporting Jerusalem and protecting the presence of its residents

Jerusalem needs a continuous support programme tied to the needs of its residents and institutions, directing resources to housing, education, health, and the protection of the holy sites and cultural identity. It is proposed to establish a coordination mechanism between Jerusalem institutions and Palestinian and Arab supporting bodies that prevents duplication of effort and sets funding priorities.

Progress is measured by institutions continuing to perform their services, the number of families that received support to remain in their homes, and the files that have been documented and followed up. Interest in Jerusalem acquires its effect when it reaches its people in the form of protection, service and regular support.

Second: unifying the Palestinian house and renewing its legitimacy

Unifying institutions and national reference requires agreement on the rules of partnership and accountability, defining the relationship between the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Authority, and expanding participation in decision-making. Young people, women, independents and members of the diaspora should have an influential presence in this course.

The proposed practical step is a national dialogue with a declared agenda, specific outcomes and follow-up dates, to which the relevant forces and institutions commit. Its success is measured by the agreements implemented, the reduction of divisive measures, and improved public trust in institutions.

Third: protecting human life and strengthening the foundations of survival

The lessons of Gaza impose placing food, water, health, shelter, education and psychological support at the forefront of national action. Recovery requires transparent professional management based on needs data, allowing society to monitor the distribution of resources and file complaints without fear.

A programme is proposed in which municipalities, universities, civil institutions and service bodies participate, supporting education, livelihoods and small enterprises and linking relief to recovery. Its results are reviewed according to the regularity of services, the fairness of access to assistance and the narrowing of need gaps, without making political rights contingent on funding and reconstruction conditions.

Fourth: integrating the arenas of Palestinian presence

Opportunities for action vary between Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem, the interior and the diaspora; their integration therefore requires a conscious distribution of roles that respects the particularity of each arena and avoids imposing a single model on all.

A professional coordination network can be built that brings together legal, media, academic and economic expertise and links communities abroad with institutions inside Palestine. The criterion of achievement is the implementation of joint campaigns and projects, the investment of competencies, and the reduction of competition that wastes resources.

Fifth: holding officials accountable and confronting the imposition of facts

Confronting settlement, annexation and displacement requires an integrated course of documentation, legal research and advocacy. It includes examining Britain’s historical responsibility and demands for recognition, apology and reparation, while separating the political demand from the possibility of pursuing it judicially.

An independent team of lawyers, historians and human rights institutions is proposed, tasked with preserving evidence and identifying the parties, jurisdictions and available avenues, without presuming acceptance of any case in advance. Its effectiveness is measured by the quality of the files, the protection of witnesses, legal follow-up and the response of targeted institutions.

Sixth: unifying national policy and diversifying the tools of influence

Palestinian policy needs a review of the outcome of the Oslo course and the formulation of a programme that combines political, legal, popular, media and economic action, according to clear objectives and controls that protect civilians. Options must be subject to review on the basis of their results, their cost and their impact on society.

It is proposed that the national reference adopt a joint plan and that specialised committees follow up boycott, divestment and advocacy campaigns, in accordance with the legal frameworks in the arenas of action. The indicator is change in institutional policies and decisions and the expansion of organised support.

Seventh: Lifting the siege on Gaza and protecting the unity of the land

This strategy requires sustained action to ensure movement, services and humanitarian access, and to prevent Gaza’s separation from the rest of the Palestinian land politically and institutionally. It also requires ending internal measures that add to the burdens on the population.

It is proposed to establish periodic monitoring that distinguishes between announcements and what is actually achieved in terms of access to goods, needs and services, to be undertaken by the relevant service and rights bodies. Specific demands to mediators and international bodies are to be built on this, with progress measured by its tangible impact on people’s lives.

Eighth: Supporting the Palestinians of the interior and protecting identity

The Palestinians’ remaining in their cities and villages and their cultural and social presence constitute a fundamental element in the continuity of the people and their narrative. Supporting them requires respecting the particularity of their circumstances and choices, and expanding cognitive and cultural communication with them.

Academic, cultural and civil institutions can develop projects to preserve the history of villages and towns, exchange expertise, and support youth initiatives. Success is measured by the sustainability of these institutions and projects and the participation of new generations in them.

Ninth: Embodying the state, safeguarding the right of return and the rights of refugees

Work to establish an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders should be linked to protecting the right of return and all other rights, and interim arrangements must not turn into a mandate to relinquish them. This requires clarity in the national position and the rejection of displacement and forced resettlement.

In this context, UNRWA and its services are to be protected as an institution established by General Assembly Resolution 302 of 1949 for the relief and works of the refugees, without reducing the refugee cause to assistance or making their rights contingent on the continuation of a particular institution. A programme is proposed to document properties, villages and refugee testimonies, preserving assets and digital copies securely and making them accessible to future generations.

Tenth: Building an international incubator and protecting the narrative

The idea of a «Return Alliance» can be developed into a civil solidarity network linking trade unions, universities, parliamentarians, justice movements and cultural institutions on the basis of shared practical goals. This requires a discourse that addresses societies in their own languages and distinguishes between criticizing states’ policies and holding officials accountable, on the one hand, and generalizing against peoples or religious groups, on the other.

A multilingual editing and documentation team is proposed to produce documented material and correct errors swiftly, alongside relations and advocacy teams. Success indicators would be sustained partnerships, decisions supportive of rights, and campaigns that achieve their goals, while protecting the privacy of testimonial holders.

From strategies to implementation

To avoid these axes remaining general headings, a national coordination track is proposed that designates for each axis a lead body, partners, resources and a timeline. The first three months can be devoted to inventorying existing initiatives, identifying gaps and preparing action plans, followed by a publicly announced quarterly review of achievements and obstacles, while avoiding the creation of new structures that duplicate the roles of existing institutions.

Confronting the Balfour Declaration 109 years on requires an organized national capacity that protects people and land, safeguards the return, pursues accountability, and widens the circles of support. When memory connects with organization, right with knowledge, and solidarity with action, the anniversary becomes an occasion for review and renewed work for freedom, return and independence.